No.027, July/August, 2002

Chinese Policy Priorities and Their Implications for the United States
By Robert G. Sutter. New York, N.Y.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2001. 229 pp.

In Chinese

The rise of China in the world economy and in the political arena has prompted the publication of books and studies that follow every step made by Chinese leaders in their quest to make their nation a world power.

Robert G. Sutter's book gives the historical background of the Chinese conquest for world leadership starting in the early 1970's when Mao Tsetung led the country, followed by Deng Xiaoping, who urged the Chinese people not to be ashamed to become rich. Following in Deng's steps are other leaders who continue with policies aimed at transforming China into a strong economy. But Sutter rightly points out that the rise of China, particularly in the 1990's, came during a decade in which United States leaders were less concerned about foreign affairs than about domestic programs.

Until the collapse of the Soviet Union and its empire in the late 1980's, China had to seek a balance between Washington and Moscow. It can be said that the U.S. also joined in the game of maneuvering between the two Communist giants - China and the Soviet Union - during the Cold War period. But the collapse of the Soviet empire was, in effect, a relief for the Chinese, who then focused their attention on developing the economy and dealt with only the United States.

"On balance, the record of Chinese relations with the United States in the 1990s shows considerable achievement for China," Sutter writes. By 1998, relations between the two countries had recovered from the severe downturn caused by the massacre at Tiananmen Square in Beijing.

Sutter says the Chinese leadership realized that they were dealing with the "two hands" of U.S. policy in the 1990s, which are the hand of "engagement" and the hand of "containment."

Chinese leaders recognized that the U.S. remains the world's sole superpower and to confront that superpower would undermine their programs to develop the economy. Those leaders realized that they can capitalize on the U.S. market, finance and technology to improve Chinese modernization. They realized that by cooperating with the U.S. in several areas China can establish a smooth relationship with important Western nations. They realized that antagonizing the U.S. would not serve the interests of Beijing in its pursuit to develop a world economy.

Sutter traces the steps and events that have taken place between the two countries, from the renewal of the most favored nation trading status every year by Congress, to the clashes with Washington over issues of human rights, and the U.S. support for Taiwan, which caused the most tension in 1995, when Taiwanese President Lee Teng-hui was given a visa to visit his alma mater, Cornell University. Summit meetings between Jiang Zemin and Bill Clinton from 1995 to 1998 somewhat repaired the difficult relationship even though the Chinese political elite during that period remained concerned that the U.S. was concocting a sinister plot to weaken China economically and politically.

The highest-level political clash between Beijing and Washington took place in 1996 after China launched missiles in the Taiwan Strait to threaten Taiwanese democracy and Clinton had to dispatch U.S. navy ships to counter the threat.

The ups and downs of U.S.-China relationship during the 1990s are well documented. But both sides have tried to amend any rifts and the Chinese have shown an understanding of their own interests. "Of course, Chinese leaders had few illusions about U.S. policy," Sutter writes. Sutter says the Chinese leaders are aware of the difficulties presented by Washington's "two hands" policy.

According to Sutter, one area in which China has shown sincere cooperation with the U.S. has been in dealing with the tension between India and Pakistan. After India and Pakistan detonated nuclear devices, which threatened security in South Asia, China cooperated with other nuclear powers to work against nuclear proliferation in South Asia.

Another area of cooperation has been in the Middle East, where China believes that siding with countries that are opposed to the U.S. would not serve its interests in world affairs.


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