The 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in Beijing in November 2002 endorsed the new leadership of the world's most populous nation, with the coronation of Hu Jintao as new president, succeeding Jiang Zemin. It has been known as the passing of power from the third to the fourth generation. But in reality, the third generation has not really disappeared from the political arena or the machinery of the community party. In fact, it continues to dominate most aspects in daily life in the mainland.

The authors in this book examine what has happened to China since Jiang. Though the ageing party leaders have officially stepped down, they have not relinquished all their power. The post-Jiang China is still strongly influenced by the so-called "Three Represents" formulated by Jiang himself, by his position in the Standing Committee of the Politburo and his ability to speak out on critical policy issues through formal or informal channels.

Gang Lin and Xiaobo Hu, the editors of this book, are associate professors of political science at prominent American universities. Their contributions and those from scholars like David Bachman, Lowell Dittmer and Richard Madsen add to the extensive academic studies of contemporary China.

Political successions in China have taken place in three important phases: pre- Mao Tsetung, the period of his reign, and the post-Mao period. The first phase was violent but short-lived. The authors say the period under Mao proved to be the worst in the history of the communist party because it was marked by intrigue, struggle for power, coups and counter-coups, which created numerous crises in which many who hoped to succeed the charismatic Mao did not survive or were too weak to reach the top leadership. When Deng Xiaoping came to power, he instituted reform that aided bring a peaceful transfer of power. The 16th National Congress is touted as exemplary because of its considerable transparency despite its delay in convening it in 2002.

Richard Madsen describes China today as "One country, three systems: state-society relations in post-Jiang China." The three systems are: third-world China, Socialist China and newly industrialized China.

The third-world China comprises inland regions of Central and Western China, mostly poor, rural areas based on family-owned agriculture and in some places threatened by ethnic and religious conflict.

Socialist China is the industrial Northeast dominated by the legacy of state-owned enterprises.

The newly industrialized China is the coastal area with its dynamic, export-oriented economy. But Madsen also warns that examples of the third-world and Socialist China can also be found in coastal areas and the distinction between the three systems cannot be perfect.

"Relationships between the systems are mediated by such actors as corrupt officials, migrant laborers, and diversifying families," Madsen writes. "The ability of some people to move between these systems, I will argue, has helped to diffuse social conflict, but the overall relationship between the systems is inherently unstable." Madsen says any changes in one of the systems could lead to big changes in another. The new leadership in the fourth generation, the post-Jiang period, is important in working out a balance among the three systems while moving the country forward.

Xiaobo Hu says that the post-Jiang period is dominated by, among other important issues, the property right system, which involves the state and the private sector. Hu believes that the fourth generation has a particular relationship with the economy, society and the growing pressure from interest groups in China. He says in this respect that Jiang's "Three Represents" can help the fourth generation decipher that relationship, though he predicts it will not be smooth.

Gang Lin explores the ideological and political institutions under the fourth generation. Yet, he immediately states that the new younger leaders are not prepared to change the one-party ruling system - they have every intention to perpetuate it.